Caste Politics vs. Hindu Unity: The Struggle for Bharat’s Soul

A resurgent Hindu identity calls for unity beyond caste, guided by spiritual leaders challenging colonial constructs. Yet electoral politics—still chained to caste arithmetic—casts doubt on whether Bharat can transcend its most enduring and divisive political fault line.
  •  The idea of “cultural nationalism” driving India’s civilizational reawakening leaves no room for the construct of caste.
  • Even as Hindu society is uniting like never before and challenging colonial-era narratives, Indian politics remains deeply entangled in the caste quagmire.
  • The Constitution’s heavy emphasis on caste-based reservations has, perhaps unintentionally, laid the groundwork for the rise of caste appeasement politics in India.
  • The Modi government’s decision to conduct a caste census highlights the entrenched power of caste-based politics—so much so that no political party, regardless of ideology, can afford to ignore it.
  • Hindu spiritual leaders are actively dismantling the caste narrative that has long been used to define and divide the Hindu community.
  • The global spread of “wokeism,” which frames the Hindu caste system as the root cause of all societal inequalities, is also contributing to the growing prominence of caste discourse in Indian politics.

The Hindu resurgence in India today reflects a profound cultural and civilizational reawakening. At the heart of this revival lies a shared sense of identity and purpose among Hindus across the globe, united in their commitment to preserving Bharat’s civilizational Atman—its spiritual essence. From the consecration of the Ayodhya Ram Mandir to the reclamation of sacred temples and pilgrimage sites, this resurgence is defined by a bold reaffirmation of Hinduness or Hindutva.

Crucially, this renewed Hindu consciousness transcends the boundaries of caste. The vision of cultural nationalism inspiring this civilizational revival leaves no room for the divisive colonial construct of caste. The sacrifice of Karsevaks for Ram Mandir[1] and the spiritual unity witnessed at the Maha Kumbh 2025 at Triveni Sangam demonstrate how Hindus are bound by Sanatan Dharma, not caste divisions.[2]

Historically, the rigid caste system was largely a colonial imposition, distorting the fluid and merit-based varna framework described in the Vedas. Varna was rooted in one’s natural inclinations and abilities—not birth—and allowed for personal growth across roles.[3] Yet modern Indian politics, driven by vote-bank interests, continues to reduce Hindu Dharma to caste-based identity politics.

Today, as the Hindu society consolidates and reclaims its civilizational roots, it faces a dual challenge: countering persistent caste-driven narratives both in domestic politics and global discourse, amplified by woke ideologies. This tension places the Hindu community at a critical juncture—torn between a rising collective consciousness and the drag of regressive, externally imposed narratives.

The sections that follow explore this twofold dynamic—how the caste narrative continues to deepen in Indian politics even as a powerful Hindu civilizational reawakening questions and resists its very foundations.

Caste-Based Reservations: A Flawed Experiment in Social Justice

With the aim of correcting historical injustices and uplifting marginalized communities, the Indian Constitution gave caste a central role in determining access to welfare provisions. It laid the foundation for caste-based reservations in critical sectors like education, employment, and political representation. What was initially envisioned as a progressive and temporary policy to empower historically disadvantaged groups[4] eventually evolved into a deeply entrenched and politicized system—one that has, over the decades, become a major source of social division within the Indian polity.

The roots of caste-based reservation in India go back to the British colonial era. In 1882, British official William Hunter and Indian reformer Jyotirao Phule supported caste-based affirmative action to address social inequality. Later, in 1933, British Prime Minister Ramsay Macdonald introduced the “Communal Award,” which created separate electorates and quotas for different religious and caste groups.[5]

After India gained independence, the framers of the Constitution largely continued the British approach of using caste-based categorization and quotas as a tool for governance. While the intent was to address historical injustices faced by Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs), the reservation policy retained the structure of group-based entitlements rather than moving toward a purely individual-rights framework. It was introduced as a temporary measure to uplift disadvantaged communities, with a provision for review every ten years to assess its necessity. The benefits were originally intended to be phased out once a community achieved sufficient socio-economic progress, rather than being passed down automatically to subsequent generations.[6]

However, the ‘temporary measure’ soon evolved into a powerful political instrument. Recognizing the electoral potential of caste-based vote banks, political parties across the spectrum began manipulating reservation policies to secure their position in power. A series of constitutional amendments followed—often disguised as welfare measures—intended not so much to uplift the marginalized, but to ensure electoral success. By turning caste into an emotional and identity-based issue, political leaders believed they had tapped into the core sentiments of the Indian voter, reinforcing caste consciousness rather than eliminating it.

The Unending Quota Game

In 1991, the politics of upliftment morphed into a dangerously divisive tool of social engineering. What had begun as a well-intentioned effort to uplift the most historically oppressed—Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs)—was hijacked by the Mandal Commission’s sweeping recommendations. Ignoring economic criteria and individual merit, the Commission lumped a vast and socially varied population under the umbrella of Other Backward Classes (OBCs), handing them 27% reservation in education and government jobs. With that single stroke, vote-bank politics didn’t just gain momentum—it weaponized caste identity, the cornerstone of political strategy.[7]

Today, this form of politics dominates India’s electoral landscape, cutting across party lines. Even the ruling  Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)—a party that traditionally positioned itself against caste-based politics—eventually succumbed to the demand for a nationwide caste census. This shift underscores just how embedded caste calculations have become in Indian politics. No mainstream political party, regardless of ideology, dares to challenge this trend for fear of alienating vote banks.

Had the Constitution’s architects opted to base welfare distribution on economic status rather than caste, India might have followed a more inclusive and equitable path. Instead, in the name of expanding social justice, parties continue to push for the inclusion of more communities under the OBC category, often with little concern for the original goals of the policy. More concerning is the lack of any comprehensive, authoritative public study since independence that evaluates the impact of reservation policies on the communities they are meant to serve.

However, the inclusion of the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) category in 2019 marked a significant shift. The 103rd Constitutional Amendment created a 10 percent reservation for individuals from economically disadvantaged backgrounds who are not eligible under existing SC, ST, or OBC quotas.[8] Extending reservation benefits to economically weaker individuals within the General category not only aims for a fairer distribution of resources but also challenges the use of caste as a political wedge within Hindu society. Unsurprisingly, such a shift is unwelcome to many political actors whose electoral survival depends on keeping caste divisions alive.

Adding to this complex landscape is the global rise of “wokeism,” particularly in Western academic and policy circles, where the Hindu caste system is increasingly portrayed as the root of all inequality in Indian society. This has only fueled the caste discourse in Indian politics, often without adequate understanding of its historical and social context.

In Snakes in the Ganga: Breaking India 2.0, authors Rajiv Malhotra and Vijaya Viswanathan critique the infiltration of American-style wokeism into India’s academic and social discourse, warning that its obsession with equity and identity politics is undermining meritocracy. They highlight how this ideology is seeping into elite Indian institutions like the IITs, where merit is increasingly being sidelined in favor of caste-based considerations. Malhotra, a long-time critic of the reservation system, argues that it fails to provide real upliftment because it compromises merit and fosters division. Instead, he advocates for targeted welfare based on economic status, which he believes would better advance justice, inclusivity, and national progress.

Caste Census 2025: A Strategic Shift or Civilizational Setback?

In April 2025, the Indian government took a surprising step by approving the inclusion of caste enumeration in the upcoming national census. The decision was cleared by the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs, chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who stated that the move would bring greater clarity and consistency, eliminating the confusion created by various state-level caste surveys, some of which were viewed as politically motivated. [9]

What made the announcement especially startling was that it came from a government that had long opposed caste-based enumeration. The demand for a caste census had been a persistent plank of the opposition, while the ruling BJP had consistently rejected it. The BJP’s ideological thrust has traditionally emphasized a unified pan-Indian Hindu identity—transcending caste, region, and language—making this move seem not just unexpected, but contradictory.

The last time India conducted a full caste census was in 1931, during British colonial rule. In independent India, while caste data is collected for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, a full enumeration of all caste groups has never been undertaken—until now.

At first glance, the idea of a caste census appears fundamentally at odds with the ongoing Hindu civilizational revival that the Modi government has helped shape over the past decade. From the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya and the revival of temple tourism to the reclamation of ancient heritage in places like Sambhal, the broader narrative has been one of unity, pride, and collective Hindu resurgence, where caste has taken a backseat, if not vanished altogether. In this context, the government’s decision to bring back the divisive framework of caste appears to many as a retreat from its own ideological ground.

The reasons behind this sudden pivot remain speculative, but two explanations have gained the most traction. One interpretation is that it’s a masterstroke to outmanoeuvre the opposition. For years, opposition parties have called for a caste-based census, attempting to frame the BJP’s resistance as anti-social justice. By pre-empting them, the Modi government may have aimed to rob the opposition of one of its key electoral weapons. In essence, it’s a strategic disruption—absorbing the opposition’s agenda and neutralizing its political potency. [10]

Another plausible explanation is electoral pragmatism. With the Bihar Legislative Assembly elections scheduled for later this year, the caste census may be a calculated concession to a critical ally, the JDU, which governs Bihar and plays a vital role in the BJP-led NDA coalition. Bihar’s politics are deeply rooted in caste identities, and ignoring that reality would be a serious electoral miscalculation. The decision, therefore, can be viewed as a tactical manoeuvre to preserve the alliance and strengthen the BJP’s position in a caste-conscious battleground. [11]

Regardless of the motivation, the broader implication is clear: the BJP, once steadfast in its rejection of caste-based politics, has now made its peace—at least tactically—with the very forces it sought to transcend. This shift reflects a deeper truth about Indian politics today: the caste narrative has become so powerful, so entrenched, that no party, no matter how ideologically committed to unity or nationalism, can afford to ignore it.

This raises an unsettling question—does the government’s decision undermine the cultural resurgence it has helped fuel? Supporters of the move argue otherwise. They claim that Hindu society is now more united than ever before, and a caste census will not fragment that unity. Instead, it may finally confront the realities of social representation and opportunity within the Hindu fold, forcing an honest reckoning that strengthens rather than weakens the larger cause. In this view, the caste census is not a threat but a test—an internal audit of where Hindu society stands today. [12]

A write-up by Swarajya gives an interesting insight into how an exercise like caste census can become a watershed moment in Indian politics, taking the caste question outside the sole purview of the “‘secular ‘ Left”, and turning it into “a necessary internal audit – a mirror, not a machete” for the “Hindu Right”. [13]

Breaking the Caste Spell

 India’s civilizational and cultural reawakening over the past decade has also contributed to a sense of deep self-reflection and introspection; Hindus are now increasingly questioning the caste narrative and ultimately debunking it for good.

The spiritual leaders of the Hindu community, especially those who enjoy a huge following amongst the Gen Z, are contributing to this phenomenon by mobilizing the community along the lines of a pan Indian narrative of “civilizational unity”, while proactively debunking the caste narrative that has long been used to define and codify Hindus.

Pandit Dhirendra Shastri or Bageshwar Baba, a popular Hindu spiritual leader, has been an ardent advocate of Hindu unity, irrespective of caste and creed affiliations. Bageshwar Baba has been the center of multiple controversies, owing to his frank views regarding the need for consolidating pan-India Hindu identity and his courageous exposé of political attempts to divide the Hindu society along caste lines.

The Hindu spiritual leader recently criticized the government’s decision to hold the Caste Census, arguing that such a divisive measure will cause a dent in the country’s unity. He also suggested that, rather than asking people for their caste affiliations, such a census should be conducted by measuring their economic status. Pandit Dhirendra Shastri said that there should be only two castes in the country – the rich and the poor. He further underscored the need for Hindu unity by arguing that the community must strive hard to end discrimination based on caste and creed, and undertake consolidated efforts to create a “Hindu Rashtra”.[14] [15]

Hindu spiritual leader Swami Rambhadracharya also opposed the caste census, arguing that on one hand, there is talk about doing away with casteism, and on the other hand, preparations are underway for conducting a caste census. He emphasized that when it comes to “Hindustan”, one should focus on the “Hindu” community rather than caste divisions.[16]

Prominent Hindu organizations like the VHP and the RSS have also consistently called for the unity of Hindu society beyond the trappings of caste. In October 2024, RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat urged the Hindu community to unite by doing away with differences in caste, language, regional disputes, etc. Emphasizing that India is a Hindu nation at its core, he called upon the Hindu society to unite for the sake of its security.[17]

The RSS Chief also recently urged the Hindu community to “have one temple, one well, and one crematorium” to “help eliminate deep-rooted divisions within the community and foster a collective identity”. [18]

The VHP organized the “Ekatmata Yatra” in 1983, a unique initiative aimed at fostering nationalism and consolidating the Hindu consciousness beyond the trappings of caste and creed. The All-India Yatra, organized in collaboration with the RSS, “focused on creating a spirit of unity among the Hindu society”. [19] Moreover, the VHP has consistently emphasized the civilizational unity of the Hindu community through its various campaigns and movements – be it the Ram Janambhoomi Movement, the movement to free Hindu temples from government control, the movement to promote Sanatan cultural values and ideals amongst the youth, campaigns against fraudulent religious conversion of Hindus, etc. The VHP has also been at the forefront of creating societal awareness against the menace of untouchability in Hindu society. [20] [21] [22]

The idea of Hindu Rashtra, rooted in the discourse of Hindu nationalism, envisions India as a civilization bound by the core values of Sanatan Dharma.[23] It has no room for partisan caste-based identities. Rather, it emphasizes the cultivation of a pan-Indian identity based on common civilizational ground.

Wrapping up

The resetting of India’s civilizational narrative has little to do with the colonial conception of caste. If anything, it is debunking caste narratives. The global Hindu community is undergoing a collective reawakening wherein there is emphasis on promoting a sense of universal pride for Hindu civilizational and cultural symbols.

The left-liberal woke ecosystem is obviously rattled by this reawakening. That’s precisely why caste is increasingly being weaponised to keep the Hindu resurgence in check. Thus, the caste narratives deeply entrenched in the Western academia and think tank ecosystem and the caste politics in India are interconnected phenomena. What is important is that the Hindu community is now defying these narratives.

Whether this critical interrogation of the caste narrative by the Hindu community will be able to offset caste politics in India, only time will tell.

Citations

[1] Sri Ram Janmabhumi Movement: Kothari Brothers & others who sacrificed lives for Ram Mandir;   https://organiser.org/2023/11/02/129690/bharat/kothari-brothers-and-other-karsevaks-who-laid-down-their-lives-for-ram-mandir/

[2]  “Maha Kumbh 2025: Uniting Voices to Uphold Sanatan Dharma”; https://stophindudvesha.org/maha-kumbh-2025-a-platform-for-collective-discourse-against-anti-sanatan-rhetoric/

[3] Why Varna is Not Caste | American Institute of Vedic Studies; https://www.vedanet.com/why-varna-is-not-caste/

[4] Reservation System in Education & Jobs Fair? Pros, Cons & Legal Perspective;  https://lawchakra.in/blog/reservation-education-jobs-legal/

[5] The Concept, Origin and Evaluation of Reservation Policy in India;   https://www.legalserviceindia.com/legal/article-6526-the-concept-origin-and-evaluation-of-reservation-policy-in-india.html

[6]  Reservation is the factor of social inequality;  https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/readersblog/dr-shanker-suwan-singh/reservation-is-the-factor-of-social-inequality-52419/

[7] Reservation System in Education & Jobs Fair? Pros, Cons & Legal Perspective;  https://lawchakra.in/blog/reservation-education-jobs-legal/

[8]  The new Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) Quota: The changing idea of affirmative action;  https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/the-new-economically-weaker-sections-ews-quota

[9] Press Release: Press Information Bureau;   https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2125526

[10]  What’s behind Modi govt’s U-turn on caste census & how it targets Oppn ahead of crucial Bihar polls;  https://theprint.in/politics/whats-behind-modi-govts-u-turn-on-caste-census-how-it-targets-oppn-ahead-of-crucial-bihar-polls/2610841/

[11] Ibid.

[12]  Caste census: A litmus test for Hindu consciousness;   https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/blogs/voices/caste-census-a-litmus-test-for-hindu-consciousness/

[13] Why The Right Must Own The Narrative Around Caste Census, Not Run From It;     https://swarajyamag.com/ideas/why-the-right-must-own-the-narrative-around-caste-census-not-run-from-it

[14]  Chhatarpur Baba Bageshwar on caste census know what Pandit Dhirendra Shastri said – ‘हम कभी नहीं…’जातिगत जनगणना को लेकर ये क्या बोल गए बाबा बागेश्वर, सामने आया बड़ा बयान;  https://zeenews.india.com/hindi/india/madhya-pradesh-chhattisgarh/mp/chhatarpur-baba-bageshwar-statement-on-caste-census-know-what-pandit-dhirendra-shastri-said/2668349

[15] ‘देश में होनी चाहिये सिर्फ़ दो ही जातियाँ…’बोले धीरेंद्र शास्त्री – bageshwar dham Dhirendra Shastri said There should be only two castes in the country rich and poor ntc – AajTak;  https://www.aajtak.in/india/news/story/bageshwar-dham-dhirendra-shastri-said-there-should-be-only-two-castes-in-the-country-rich-and-poor-ntc-rptc-2070487-2024-10-14

[16]  Swami Rambhadracharya Said talk about only hindu in Hindustan not caste census हिंदुस्तान में केवल हिंदू की बात हो, जाति जनगणना का विरोध कर बोले स्वामी रामभद्राचार्य, Bihar Hindi News – Hindustan;  https://www.livehindustan.com/bihar/swami-rambhadracharya-said-talk-about-only-hindu-in-hindustan-not-caste-census-201751868752450.html

[17] Hindu Society Must Unite for its Security: Mohan Bhagwat;  https://www.pgurus.com/rss-chief-mohan-bhagwat-calls-for-unity-among-hindus/

[18] RSS chief calls for ‘one temple, one well & one cremation ground’ in Hindu community | Agra News – Times of India; https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/agra/rss-chief-calls-for-one-temple-one-well-one-cremation-ground-in-hindu-community/articleshow/120459762.cms

[19]  From Ramjanambhumi movement to inauguration of Ram Mandir;  https://hindupost.in/dharma-religion/from-ramjanambhumi-movement-to-inauguration-of-ram-mandir/#

[20] Movements – Vishva Hindu Parishad – Official Website; https://www.vhp.org/movements/

[21] Celebrating 60 Years of Vishva Hindu Parishad: A look at the milestones and ongoing challenges;   https://organiser.org/2024/08/28/253811/bharat/celebrating-60-years-of-vishva-hindu-parishad-a-look-at-the-milestones-and-ongoing-challenges/

[22] Untouchability is against Hindu values, says Vishwa Hindu Parishad – India News | The Financial Express;  https://www.financialexpress.com/india-news/untouchability-is-against-hindu-values-says-vishwa-hindu-parishad/992488/

[23] “Maha Kumbh 2025: Uniting Voices to Uphold Sanatan Dharma”; https://stophindudvesha.org/maha-kumbh-2025-a-platform-for-collective-discourse-against-anti-sanatan-rhetoric/

Rati Agnihotri
Rati Agnihotri
Rati Agnihotri is an independent journalist and writer currently based in Dehradun (Uttarakhand). Rati has extensive experience in broadcast journalism, having worked as a Correspondent for Xinhua Media for 8 years. She has also worked across radio and digital media and was a Fellow with Radio Deutsche Welle in Bonn. Rati regularly contributes articles to various newspapers, journals and magazines. Her articles have been recently published in "Firstpost", "The Sunday Guardian", " Organizer", OpIndia", "Hindupost", "Garhwal Post", "Sanatan Prabhat", etc. Rati writes extensively on issues concerning politics, geopolitics, Hindu Dharma, culture, society, etc. The points of intersection between geopolitics and culture are of special interest to her. A lot of her work explores issues concerning Bharat's civilizational and cultural ethos from a global perspective. She obtained her master’s degree in International Journalism from the University of Leeds, UK and a BA (Hons) English Literature from Miranda House, Delhi University. Rati is also a bilingual poet (English and Hindi) with two collections of English poetry to her credit. Her first poetry collection "The Sunset Sonata" has been published by Sahitya Akademi, India's National Academy of Letters. Her second poetry book "I'd like a bit of the Moon" has been published by Red River.
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